Winning the Peace, Continued

It is frustrating to watch the coalition fumble the war in Iraq. Let’s be as clear as possible about our goal: democracy of the Iraqi people, by the Iraqi people, and for the Iraqi people.

We should have let them know our intentions before we invaded. We should have encouraged a civil overthrow of Saddam before we invaded. We should have made our case to the Iraqi people even if that meant dropping leaflets before we dropped bombs. The communication would have been simple:

“Countries throughout the world are saddened to watch Saddam Hussein murdering and intimidating the Iraqi people. A new government must come to power or these countries will form a coalition to invade Iraq and assist in the election of a new government. Saddam Hussein must step down from power and an election must be held for new local and national leaders. Otherwise the coalition will invade and organize the election. Elections must be held on or before January 1, 2004. The countries in the coalition look forward to a time when the Iraqi people can be free from tyranny.”

Of course whatever communication we decided to use, it should have been translated into all the appropriate languages.

If the deadline comes and passes, the Iraqi people will know our purpose. We should strike only at Saddam. We should continue until he is captured or killed. We should openly bribe and coerce our way to him before we attempt to kill him. Once he is killed or captured, we should have announced the election immediately. (See Winning the Peace).

Without this communication, the Iraqi people see only the invasion of a foreign power. They may not understand that our purpose is their purpose, but instead they see us as the enemy. This is a top-level strategic mistake.

By approaching Iraq as a war instead of as a revolution, we have become one side of that war. In a revolution, it is the people who fight for change, and the coalition would simply be there to support the people.

The Myth of Negative Sentiment

Today’s article in Barrons: “The Myth of Negative Sentiment” took the position that negative sentiment in the investor community is a myth, and that the media is unnecessarily sugarcoating economic problems.

I think the article missed the point.

The sugarcoating is not for the investor crowd, it is for everyone else. Investors stand to do well as we move toward an “ownership society“, but the non-investor class is disenfranchised and falling further behind. I’m talking about the concentration of wealth and the distribution of consumption.

The article talks about how investors are heavily invested in equities rather than cash, and how this is a signal of investor optimism. This is true; it is because dividend and capital gains rates have been cut in half (or more) and interest rates on cash accounts are almost zero. Why hold cash when the yield curve is steep and tax rates are so favorable? After-tax investment returns look very promising.

But if you live paycheck-to-paycheck (Barron’s readers might not have any contact with these people…) then your prospects are grim. In the past, debtors could count on inflation to depreciate their past sins. But these days, deflation threatens to put them deeper in debt while giving the wealthy more buying power. Meanwhile social services are being cut and the lions share of tax breaks are going to people making capital gains and receiving dividend income. For them, the whole country is becomming a company town.

The issue is not negative sentiment on the part of investors, but rather social depression. And that is no myth.

Taxes and Concentration of Wealth

The concentration of wealth plays a role in economic growth and employment, crime rates, and just about every aspect of American society. The primary tools government uses to manipulate the concentration of wealth are tax and healthcare policies. In this article, we focus on how recent tax policy is reshaping the concentration of wealth.

Policies that distribute wealth and power more broadly are sometimes called “socialist” by those who argue against them. Similarly, policies that concentrate wealth and power too much are sometimes called “oppressive” or “fascist”. Both of these names are misleading. In a capitalist democracy, a wide range of policy decisions can set the stage for incentives and fair business; we’re still working to find the best balance.

Capital gains income tax:

Under President Bush’s tax cuts, investors are now paying 15% tax on income from capital gains. Meanwhile, income from work is taxed about twice as much, depending on your marginal rate. The tax code is effectively encouraging income from capital gains by giving back half the tax on that type of income. It’s not clear to me that the government should be in the business of encouraging one type of income over another, but if we do then we should be encouraging income from work. Investors may argue that they have already earned this money and paid taxes on it so it should not be taxed again. This is true; remember that you only pay tax on the new income. The original amount you invested is not considered income and is not taxed again.

Estate taxes:

Estate taxes were created along with child labor laws, voting rights for women, and the establishment of an income tax during the Progressive Era (1900-1918). President Bush is eliminating the estate tax, and has proposed to make this tax cut permanent in the coming term. The question of whether we should we maintain estate taxes or eliminate them is a subjective question. Rather than make this point myself, let me defer to the words of President Franklin Roosevelt: “Great accumulations of wealth cannot be justified on the basis of personal and family security. In the last analysis such accumulations amount to the perpetuation of great and undesirable concentration of control in a relatively few individuals over the employment and welfare of many, many others. Such inherited economic power is as inconsistent with the ideals of this generation as inherited political power was inconsistent with the ideals of the generation which established our Government.” President Bush’s agenda for estate taxes is to reduce the estate tax over time to nothing, and in the next 4 years, his agenda is to make this permanent. If this happens, families of vast wealth will effectively be an elite class, removed from the rest of Americans by the virtue of birthright.

Dividend income tax:

Bush’s economic agenda for the next 4 years also includes eliminating the tax on dividend income (http://www.gop.com/GOPAgenda/AgendaPage.aspx?id=2). If this is passed, those who receive dividend payments will not pay any taxes on that income, giving them an after-tax raise of more than 50% (35% tax leaves 65%. Going from 65 to 100 is a 53.8% gain). That personal income will no-longer be contributing to the government revenues, and the shortfall will accumulate against us all in the form of budget deficit. If stopping the double-taxation of dividends is the goal, the correct way to deal with it would be to make dividend payments a deductible expense just like any other cost of doing business.

These recent tax cuts have been very effective in getting money back into the hands of Americans, but have put us into growing debt. The budget deficit is important because the national debt must someday be paid down, with interest. This is one of the most important factors that determines the value of the US dollar and international confidence in American investments. With extensive history and other nations as examples, we clearly see that as the debt gets bigger, we will experience inflation, not be able to buy as many foreign goods, and see less international interest in our stock markets. The U.S. budget deficit in 2004 will hit a record $445 billion, according to the White House. Not only would this be a record deficit, but also an unprecedented fall from record surplus.

Federal Budget Surplus or Deficit

Data source: http://www.cbo.gov/showdoc.cfm?index=1821&sequence=0

Instead, if income from all sources is simply taxed as income, then tax policy will be much more fair and government revenues will be higher. On this point, the Democratic agenda to roll back such specific portions of the recent tax cuts seems right. The timing, however, is sensitive: increasing taxes during economic recession can make problems worse.

In any event, the Federal Reserve (not tax policy) is the primary mechanism for managing economic recession. If the federal government uses changes in the tax code to manipulate the economic cycles, then it is acting as a backseat driver to the Federal Reserve. In addition to the complication this adds for the FED in determining the funds rate, it also makes it much harder for citizens and businesses to plan and prepare taxes.

The concentration of wealth threatens our nation. The poverty rate was 12.5% of all Americans in 2003. The numbers are even worse for children: 17.6% of Americans under the age of 18 are living in poverty (http://www.census.gov/hhes/income/income03/prs04asc.html). I hope you will agree that these numbers are too big. These Americans often disappear in our society and are not very well represented in politics: they may not apply for jobs or vote, they often do not have health insurance, they often do not pay taxes on the money they do earn; they hide from the system because the system demands taxes that they can’t afford to pay. Tax policy is exacerbating this problem and should be made fair in the ways I described above. Once the downward spiral of joblessness and poverty can be broken, the upward spiral of employment and fulfillment can begin. Increasing the workforce and reducing structural poverty is clearly in the interest of America.

US Foreign Policy

Since the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, The European Union has grown to 25 member-nations in a series of enlargements. It is now preparing for the next enlargement, adding 3 more countries by 2007. They have merged their currencies and are aligning their laws and governance procedures. This is a big deal. I think that Europe is going to give America a run for the position of global nation of hope, honor, currency strength, and political influence. There is a similar story developing in Asia. The only way to be strong in this century is to be Good.

American foreign policy is always a balance between idealism and reality: the idealism of freedom and cooperation, the reality of deception, oppression, and violence. We could spend all of our time and energy fortifying America against attack. We could also spend all of our time and energy aiding the oppressed. Where we find our balance is up to the administration, and you chose the administration. Both political parties are generally well balanced in their approaches to these issues. Democrats generally lean more toward aiding the oppressed in an effort to help them rise up for their own freedom and lawfulness, while Republicans generally lean toward fortifying America and targeting those who threaten America or support cultures of oppression. Balance is the key.

Freedom is worth fighting for. We should fight to protect our own freedoms, and we should help others as they fight for their freedoms. We should use every tool at our disposal in an order that places killing as a last resort. Political negotiation should start with tariffs, trade, and travel restrictions, include secondary trading partners, and increasingly squeeze to influence positive political change. If it becomes necessary, our military should be agile and overwhelmingly capable. Such scaled pressure should be used to influence international labor law, weapons programs, terrorist regimes, and the broad range of foreign policy negotiations. We should have long term strategies for every nation, and short term tactics that reflect the realities of the times.

Winning the Peace

On the day of the fall of Sadam’s regime in Iraq, the US should have announced an Iraqi election. On that day, voter registration should have begun. Voter registration should have included issuing social security cards. All citizens could receive social security cards and have photo-IDs made for access to social services. Children could use them to receive food, medical insurance, certificates from their schools, etc. All citizens could use them to register their property with the government and receive assistance from the government as policy and necessity will likely demand during their nation’s formation.

We need to recognize that every day we wait, we are perceived to be invaders. The problems will become larger as they grow momentum and organization around the resistance against our occupation. They will consolidate in their position that it is us against them. But from the moment of an election, the picture changes. It becomes them against them. And that’s democracy: different agendas contested in a vote.

After a short time, hold elections for local and national officials. Keep it open for a couple days so that fear can subside and last-minute voters can register. Announce the winners immediately. They will argue that the election was not fair. We should then hold a re-election and let them audit. The entire nation will become politically enraged and engaged, and voting turnout will likely be very high. Auditors from many factions should be allowed oversight. And we should assist them in media related to this oversight; let them be heard and seen together. Offer them meals together and a chance to build relationships across their many party lines. Bombings at voting sites would likely be less severe in the re-election because the national argument will be about fairness. This would be a milestone there.

After inaugurations, we should offer to help the iraqi government with defensive security for the government officials and generous social services for citizens. We should also offer to consult with the elected officials. By limiting our exposure to these functions, we put America in the position to demonstrate the role of the public servant. Leading by example, their government will grow to replace the American presence. Expect years of difficult power struggles that include exploitation and violence among iraq’s citizens. But know that we should never expect perfect peace in Iraq. Even in America we have terrorists and the unibomber, and violence and crime.

We can help them in their revolution. There is certainly one happening, and we have a choice: it can either be against us or it can be among their religious and political parties. Their rage with each other has social implications that are far different from rage against America. Fighting among the opposing religious or political parties is a necessary step toward democracy. Rage against America only encourages an insurgency based on violence, and it gives the wrong impression of democracy to the Middle East and to the world.

With this strategy, we probably could have allocated 1/4 the military force and 1/4 the money. It would probably have also cut the timeline of the current strategy by more than half.